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Safe Area Goražde: The War in Eastern Bosnia, 1992-1995

Nonfiction | Graphic Novel/Book | Adult | Published in 2000

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Chapters 32-42Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 32 Summary: “The ’94 Offensive”

Content Warning: This section of the guide discusses graphic violence, death, religious discrimination, and substance use.

In 1994, Edin was called back to the front from teaching. On April 19, he was wounded in the head by a bullet. He woke up in the hospital, his face swollen and the doctor unsure how Edin’s eyesight would be impacted.

In February 1994, the UN threatened airstrikes against the Serbs as they attacked Sarajevo, so the Serbs turned their attention to Goražde. The US declared that they would not interfere to protect the town. Lt. General Sir Michael Rose, UN military commander, worried that any airstrikes would jeopardize the UN’s role as peacekeepers, publicly stating that the situation in Goražde was not as bad as it truly was. On April 9, the Serbs overtook the Gradina mountaintop. This gave them a clear window to fire onto Goražde.

The attack intensified, and the US decided to perform airstrikes if the Serbs did not stop. On April 10 and 11, NATO dropped bombs on the Serbian forces around Goražde. In retaliation, Serb commander General Ratko Mladić blocked routes to Sarajevo and took UN personnel hostage. His troops advanced on Goražde and fired on the town center. The US backed off, trying to bring the Serbs to the negotiating table. On April 15, a British commando was killed, and on April 16, a NATO plane was shot down. Yasushi Akashi, the lead UN official in the former Yugoslavia, publicly doubted if they could keep any peace. President Clinton also began to doubt that Goražde could be saved.

Edin returned home, and seven days later, the Serbs pushed through Goražde’s lines and into town. Edin’s family left their home again for their cousin’s house; when Edin returned, he found Commander Sejdic of Višegrad organizing a front line near his house. They split up into houses and watched as the Serbs advanced. The next morning, the shooting began, and Edin and the others fell back as tanks advanced. One side of the river was overtaken, leaving the hospital surrounded. Each day, the Serbs began their attacks around noon, singing and laughing.

Edin and other men held their line, often occupying Edin’s family’s house as the Serbs fired on the town. When the line eventually broke, Edin rushed to his house. That night, 40 or 50 men joined Edin and formed a new line of defense. Edin’s brother told him that their father was wounded, injured by a grenade while trying to save a man. He was in the hospital, but he would survive.

On April 17, the UN acknowledged the collapse of Bosnian defenses in Goražde and secretly evacuated UN personnel. Both the Americans and Russians grew frustrated with the Serbians repeatedly breaking ceasefires, and though Karadžić declared peace in Goražde, the attacks continued. Bosnian President Izetbegović accused the UN of failing to keep peace.

Dr. Alija Begovic remembers how the hospital was overwhelmed during the offensive. Nurse Sadija Demir remembers the wounded and dead, many of them children, and believed that it was the end of Goražde. Edin and the others held their line for days, but panic spread throughout the town. He remembers seeing NATO planes circling above them but not acting.

With the situation worsening, President Clinton pressured the UN to authorize NATO to airstrike Serb forces around all safe areas to deter any more violence. On April 22, NATO issued an ultimatum for a ceasefire that the Serbs ignored. Even Russia, an ally to the Serbs, supported NATO’s threats. UN representative Akashi refused to request the airstrikes, believing the Serbs would withdraw, and they did, believing that they had no way to resist. They allowed helicopters in to take Goražde’s wounded.

The Serbs burned houses as they retreated from Goražde. In the aftermath of the offensive, Lt. General Rose claimed that the damage and casualties in Goražde were misreported to force the UN to take sides. Despite this, the UN reported 700 dead and 2,000 wounded in Goražde.

Chapter 33 Summary: “Boots!”

Sacco walks with Edin to receive his new boots, brought into town by the UN. When they arrive, they learn that none of the supplies for the school arrived.

Chapter 34 Summary: “America Man”

Sacco is frequently reminded of his status as an American in Goražde. Though this often makes him popular, it also occasionally causes tension. One night, while drinking with Edin and others, a man who barely speaks English tells Sacco how he once helped a journalist and received $100 for it. He grows angry with Sacco, asking why he came to Goražde, saying, “America man thinks Bosnia man primitive” (191). The man is angry that no journalists are interested in what happened in Srebrenica. Sacco becomes overwhelmed and wishes that he were anywhere but Bosnia. They leave, and when they reach Edin’s house, Sacco throws up.

Chapter 35 Summary: “Silly Girls: Part III”

Sacco visits the Silly Girls again. Kimeta has a new boyfriend, a refugee from Rogatica, and though she is happy, Sabina is upset, as her relatives have sent her knockoff jeans. She tries to convince herself that no one will notice, but Nudjejma tells her that they are obviously fake.

Riki is with them and practices his English with Sacco. Sacco also tells them about his visits to Grbavica, a Serb-held part of Sarajevo. The girls want to know what they think of the war, and Sacco tells them that many Serbs blame Muslims for the conflict and do not believe that the horrors they faced happened.

Chapter 36 Summary: “Death and Deliverance”

Edin began working for the British peacekeepers in January 1995, who had stayed after the conclusion of the 1994 offensive. Despite the temporary peace, the Bosnian Serb army, under the leadership of General Ratko Mladić, prepared for a final push to end the war. They recaptured weapons surrendered to the UN and began bombing Sarajevo more heavily. When NATO pushed back with airstrikes, the Serbian army took UN workers hostage and shot down a US fighter.

On June 4, Mladić met with UN representative Bernard Janvier in secret. Days later, the hostages were released. After this, on June 9, UN representative Yasushi Akashi confirmed that the UN would back away from the conflict. Janvier echoed this by saying that the protection of the enclaves jeopardized the UN’s neutrality.

Mladić then targeted the other enclaves, first attacking Srebrenica. They swept into the town in July 1995 and took Dutch peacekeepers hostage, using them to stop NATO airstrikes. Sacco interviews Nermin and Haso, both men who escaped Srebrenica. They tell him that the men of the town left in a large group to reach the Bosnian border. Chetniks fired on them as they walked, and many were wounded and died. When Haso returned to save a wounded friend later one night, he saw Chetniks with flashlights killing survivors.

The journey was 40 kilometers, and Nermin, Haso, and the other men faced ambush after ambush and claim that the Serbs attacked them with “combat gas” (200). Sacco considers that it may have been the chemical agent BZ, which disorients its victims and causes hallucinations, but admits, “Despite many eyewitness accounts, human rights watch found evidence of gas attacks ‘inconclusive’ though such attacks ‘cannot be ruled out’” (200).

Nermin recalls how the Serbs offered surrender to soldiers in exchange for access to the Bosnian border, but the soldiers were taken away. After a night surrounded by Chetniks, Nermin was alone and suffering from the gas. Chetniks found him, but he believes that they left him because they thought his mind was ruined by the gas. When Nermin ran into other groups from Srebrenica looking to surrender to the Serbs, he warned them not to. He passed many bodies on his trip to Zepa, a nearby safe area. Both he and Haso reached Zepa.

Back in Srebrenica, the Serbs transported women and children to Bosnian territory, and the hostage Dutch peacekeepers watched as they separated the men. These men, along with those who surrendered as they escaped, were led out of the town and murdered. The UN declared that it could not protect the enclaves, and Zepa fell soon after Srebrenica. Nermin and Haso both made it to Goražde.

By the end of July 1995, Goražde was the last remaining safe area in eastern Bosnia. Mladić planned to capture Goražde by the fall and make a final push at Sarajevo to end the war. The failure of the UN to protect Srebrenica pushed the US to be more involved, saying that any attack on Goražde would result in retaliatory airstrikes.

On August 28, after an attack on Sarajevo, the UN relinquished its responsibility for air power to NATO. The British soon left Goražde, telling Edin that this would allow NATO to attack the Serb lines. On August 30, NATO, with no risk of UN hostages being taken, began bombing the Serb lines. With NATO now protecting Goražde, the balance of the conflict shifted, and the Serbs felt pressure to make peace.

A ceasefire began on October 12, and UN convoys began reaching Goražde. Peace talks were planned for November in Dayton, Ohio, but many worried that Goražde would be sacrificed to simplify the new map of Bosnia.

Chapter 37 Summary: “Peace: Part I”

The peace talks last for a long time. Sacco waits with Edin and others to hear the results. When an agreement is finally announced, they learn that the war is over and that there will be a single government with a rotating presidency, in which no accused war criminals can be elected. These criminals will go to the Hague, and Goražde will remain a part of Bosnia, connected by a small corridor. They celebrate, and the next day, Edin begins reworking his thesis.

Chapter 38 Summary: “Peace: Part II”

On November 1, 1995, Balkan leaders arrived in Dayton, Ohio, for peace negotiations. Though Bosnian President Alija Izetbegović was once willing to sacrifice the enclaves for peace, the horrors of Srebrenica and Zepa pushed him to reject any agreements that saw Goražde traded. Though the leaders argued over how wide the corridor would be, Goražde would remain Bosnian. The other enclaves, ethnically cleansed of Bosnian Muslims, remained in the control of the Bosnian Serbs. The leaders signed the agreement on November 21.

Chapter 39 Summary: “Peace: Part III”

Sacco celebrates with Riki and Edin, who discuss what peace will look like. Edin believes that peace arrives once they can move freely again, and Riki looks forward to economic activity returning to Bosnia.

Despite optimism, many people whom Sacco speaks with become disillusioned with the peace, believing that it will only prove to be a break in the fighting. They also believe that justice is not served due to the enclaves remaining with the Serbs. Though Muslims can return to their communities in Serb territory, there are no guaranteed protections. Additionally, Goražde, once a factory center, has been destroyed, and many wonder what is next for the town. There are plans to build a road connecting Goražde to Sarajevo, but many feel that the corridor still makes them an enclave, stuck in a precarious position.

Chapter 40 Summary: “Riki: Part III”

More journalists pour into Goražde. Riki interviews with them, singing afterward. He shows them around and acts as a translator. Riki returns to the front for a few days and thanks Sacco for his help transcribing lyrics for songs. Sacco watches as Riki flirts with some humanitarian aid workers from Sweden and France. Sacco coordinates a ride out. As he leaves, both men hope that Riki gets out of Goražde.

Chapter 41 Summary: “Epilogue: Part I”

Sacco makes his final trip to Goražde in January 1996. The Blue Road is more open now, and when he arrives, he learns that Edin is in Sarajevo and that Riki is leaving for the city that day. Riki is demobilized and, as a student still pursuing a degree, is given priority to return.

After Riki leaves, Sacco spends two days in the town but does not recognize it any longer. He returns to Sarajevo. On the trip, he sees Serbs leaving the city with their furniture.

Chapter 42 Summary: “Epilogue: Part II”

In the aftermath of the war, Sarajevo sees an influx of people from rural communities. When Sacco meets Edin in the city, they run into many people from Goražde on the street. He notices that they struggle to fit in, feeling uncomfortable at clubs, and seem to miss the town that they so recently wanted to flee.

Edin, on the other hand, does not miss Goražde and is focusing on his thesis, happy to be back in Sarajevo. Sacco rarely sees Riki, who discovers that the university is going to require him to study much longer than he thought to graduate. He is busy. Edin enjoys Sarajevo but says that another war will eventually break out. He tells Sacco that a friend of his invited him to visit in Germany, but he does not want to go. Instead, Edin wants to restart the life he lost years ago.

Chapters 32-42 Analysis

In Chapter 31, Sacco details the Serbs’ 1994 offensive against Goražde and the circumstances surrounding The Ineffective Role of International Organizations in Conflict, which eventually led NATO to directly intervene. Scenes of the attack on Goražde and Edin’s accounts of fighting in it are interspersed with panels that show President Clinton and officials in the UN considering courses of action to stop the Serbs.

Throughout the conflict, the UN tried to limit the Serbs’ violence by acting as peacekeepers and watchdogs. However, their unwillingness to put force behind their threats resulted in the Serbs ignoring them. In the final months of the conflict, the Serbs openly defied the UN, taking peacekeepers and observers hostage to use as leverage against the international community. The Serbs even committed atrocities with UN personnel present, such as when they led away men who had surrendered and murdered them. The UN thus failed to hinder abuses, as their peacemaking was chronically weakened by their lack of an actual commitment to a side in the conflict.

Throughout the offensive, Clinton and others wavered in their support for Goražde and their willingness to oppose the Serbs. At one point, President Clinton lost faith in airstrikes against the Serbs, even though they were Goražde’s best hope for survival: “It wouldn’t necessarily be possible for close air support to have the desired military effect” (167). When Clinton says this, he does so in a panel that depicts him at a golf course, driving a golf cart, while panels around him show images of war, death, and people fleeing.

The contrast that Sacco provides with these images creates a sense of disconnection and privilege, with the Americans and the UN squabbling over what actions to take while the people of Goražde suffer. Clinton can play golf while the people around Edin die because neither Clinton nor his nation will be impacted by what he does or does not do. Meanwhile, every moment that these international organizations do not intervene is a dangerous one for people in Goražde. Sacco thus uses such moments of visual contrast to offer political commentary, criticizing the indifference and lack of resolution that international leaders like Clinton demonstrated for much of the conflict.

Even as the war crawled to an end and the Serbs began to overrun Goražde, the badly outmatched townspeople and remnants of the military put on a defensive, reflecting The Resilience of Community Under Siege. Edin and other locals refused to abandon their homes, putting up a spirited and ultimately effective resistance. While the Serbs possessed tanks and superior weaponry, the community’s refusal to submit slowed the Serbs long enough for the world to finally decide to intervene and stop the Serb advancement.

Sacco’s final visit to the town and to Sarajevo to visit Edin and Riki also adds some final touches to the theme of The Impact of Ethno-Nationalism and the ongoing legacy of the conflict. While peace has been achieved, many Bosnian Muslims still live in fear that the war could restart at some point. Their sense of uncertainty and insecurity speaks to the deep and lasting fractures that still divide the population of the region. While Edin and Riki are both determined to move forward with their lives, Sacco implies that they still face a difficult future, both as individuals trying to rebuild their lives and as citizens of a country scarred by the Bosnian War.

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